Providing Hope in Despair

Hundreds of thousands of Migrant Domestic Workers toil in
Lebanon, cleaning, cooking, and caring for their employers’
children. The majority left home with promises of a job with good
conditions and salaries higher than what they would earn in their
own country. Instead, many are met with subpar working conditions,
unpaid wages and are subjected to verbal, physical, and in some
cases sexual abuse. This is due to Lebanon’s Kafala system
which traps tens of thousands of Migrant Domestic Workers in
highly exploitative conditions often amounting to forced labour
that even the former labour minister in Lebanon Minister Camille
Abousleiman, likened to modern-day slavery.
According to the UN, women make up an estimated 76% of
all migrant workers and 99% of Migrant Domestic Workers
who come to Lebanon for employment.
Amongst those migrants, thousands of Kenyan women
leave their country to work in the Middle East as domestic workers
each year including to Lebanon.
With the Lebanese economic crisis and the Covid19 pandemic, the situation has worsened leaving many MDWs in situations of destitution and
homelessness or having to resort to harmful ways of surviving.
Indeed, the International Labour Organization warned that migrant
workers have been facing conditions that “greatly increase their risk
of entering forced or bonded labour”.

Our investigations shed light on the plight of live-in MDWs
as the nature of their work renders them vulnerable to further
exploitation, abuse, and overall adverse effects on their well-being.
Live-in Domestic Workers in Lebanon face additional challenges.
Including lack of knowledge of existing support networks, lack of
understanding of their legal rights, and language barriers. Majority are confined in the households of their employers and their
freedom of movement is restricted. This results in their complete
isolation from broader society.
 Once in Lebanon, they faced a range of labour and human rights abuses including passport confiscation, wage theft, inadequate living and working conditions, physical and verbal abuse, and in some cases sexual abuse.
These abuses are facilitated by the Kafala system and in some cases amount to forced labour and modernday slavery. The lack of labour law protection, and the heightened risks of their rights being violated without any redress, has left many MDWs suffering from a wide range of human rights abuses in a
country that normalises impunity.

As noted by the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Slavery following her visit to Lebanon in 2011 “domestic work began to be perceived as low-paid and became racialized, regarded as work performed by migrants. 

Although often perceived or presented as a labour migration pathway, the Kafala system fascilitates a form of state-backed modern slavery with many migrant workers ending up in situations of forced labour. For example, in 2021 the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination raised
concerns about the continued discrimination and violence permitted
under the Kafala system in Lebanon towards migrant domestic
workers. It noted: “the Kafala system was a source of discrimination
and violence, and it must be abolished.

Apart from providing credit, shelter and trauma-based health care to the victims, our solution also recommends the following: 

TO THE GOVERNMENT OF KENYA
-Negotiate and establish a strong bilateral agreement with
Lebanon. The agreement should outline the rights and
protections for Kenyan migrants addressing issues like
minimum wage, working conditions, and access to justice
and remedy.
-Advocate for the abolition of the Kafala system as part of
the negotiations for bilateral agreements with Lebanon and
other countries who operate with the Kafala system.
-Investigate reports of abusive recruitment agencies and
take appropriate action.
-Increase monitoring of recruitment agencies to ensure they
adhere to ethical practices.
-Immediately suspend current consular officials in the
Kenyan Consulate in Lebanon and carry out a thorough and
impartial investigation into the various allegations brought
against them.
-Appoint consular officials of Kenyan origin and strengthen
consular assistance to provide protection and support to
MDWs subjected to abusive situations. This should include
temporary accommodation provision and support for
repatriation.
-For the National Employment Authorities to collaborate
with civil society organisations in Lebanon to have a
comprehensive tracing mechanism for all Kenyan citizens in
55 See for example: The Nation, “Abuse and dignity: a take of two world for domestic workers|, 16 June 2023, available
at: https://nation.africa/kenya/ne... ; The
Nation, “Protect Kenyan workers in the Middle East countries”, 08 September 2022, available: https://nation.africa/kenya/
blogs-opinion/editorials/protect-kenyan-workers-in-middle-east-countries-3940730
Lebanon.
-Increase funding for programmes that support the
reintegration of returning Migrant Domestic Workers
including psychosocial support, vocational training, and
employment placement support.
-Support civil society organisations in raising awareness
about the dangers of the Kafala system and include
information on safe migration. Include information on the
dangers of dealing with brokers and unlicensed agencies.
-Ratify and implement the ILO Domestic Work Convention,
2011 (No. 189) to enhance the promotion of decent work
and protection of the rights of Kenyan domestic workers.
-Together with civil society organisations, raise awareness
on the new labour migration reforms including the
requirements for pre-departure trainings, attestation of
employment contracts by the Ministry of Labour, and
accreditation of private recruitment agencies.
TO THE GOVERNMENT OF LEBANON
-To abolish the Kafala system in its entirety and include
Domestic Workers under its Labour Law.
-Ensure that the inclusion of domestic workers under the
Labour Law includes all the necessary legal protections in
line with the ILO Domestic Workers Convention
-Guarantee fair working conditions including a salary
threshold not lower than the minimum national wage.
-To improve the monitoring of recruitment agencies and
investigate allegations of abuses by agencies
-Conduct transparent and thorough investigations of the
frequent abuses and deaths of migrant domestic workers,
and ensure that perpetrators are held accountable through
a fair trial
-To hold recruitment agents that abuse MDWs accountable
and withdraw licences of said agencies in a transparent
manner
-To investigate, prosecute and punish perpetrators of forced
labour and other labour rights abuses
-To enhance domestic workers’ access to the judiciary,
improve its existing hot line and create additional
mechanisms to monitor and respond to abuse of migrant
domestic workers 

Migrant Workers’ Action carried out over 52 interviews with Migrant
Domestic Workers who were in Lebanon between the period of
2014 and 2022. All interviews took place in Nairobi, Kenya. We also carried out interviews with partner organisations in Kenya and in Lebanon who
have provided support to Kenyan MDWs and work on labour and
human rights of migrant domestic workers. In addition, MWA has
used its own work with migrant-led groups in Lebanon to serve as
contextual background and to corroborate the patterns highlighted
from the interviews. MWA has also included more recent cases of
Kenyans who were in Lebanon in 2023.
The interviews were conducted in English or Swahili with the use
of an interpreter. MWA chose to carry out the interviews in Kenya
as it allowed MWA to document the impact of their time in Lebanon
and their return to Kenya and to carry out interviews in a safe space.

without fear of repercussions. Most of the women interviewed had
worked in more than one household during their time in Lebanon. At
least half of those interviewed returned to Kenya following the Beirut
port explosion in August 2020. This report uses pseudonyms for all
workers and withholds names for all other individuals in the report
who requested anonymity in the interest of their privacy.
As set out in its core values, MWA believes in the importance of
an intersectional approach. This research was carried out through
this lens, in order to recognise and highlight how different forms of
abuse and discrimination are perpetrated against MDWs. As noted
by the ILO, such discrimination is a root factor of forced labour.
This report is part of MWA’s “In Focus” research series, which
takes an in depth look at the journey of MDWs from key sending
countries to Lebanon. This report documents the journey of Kenyan
MDWs. It is based on 65 interviews, including with 52 Kenyan
domestic workers who returned from Lebanon after migrating there
for work under the Kafala system. These interviews do not quantify
the precise scale of abuses, but demonstrate a clear pattern of
exploitation and abuse at the hands of recruiters and employers. 

 

The poverty, the scarcity of decent employment and opportunities at home were the main drivers that pushed the interviewed women to leave Kenya and go to Lebanon. Out of 52 women interviewed, 50 were mothers, and 48 were single mothers, looking for opportunities to provide for their children. Prior to Lebanon, some had already been to Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates. The absence of social protections are also factors in driving Kenyan women to leave their country in search of better opportunities. Their choice to migrate to work was dictated by the fact that they were the primary breadwinners of their household. Generally, their decisions to leave was also heavily influenced by the lack of opportunities and pressure from family members.

The ILO Convention on Forced Labour, No. 29 which Lebanon has ratified, defined forced labour as “all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily.”46 The ILO has reported that around 25 million men women and children are in forced labour today, with more than half being women and girls. Generally, victims are often hidden from the public view and as such are difficult to identify. Walk Free estimates that 50 million people live in modern slavery today, and 54% of them are women. Out of these, 27.6 million are in forced labour.47 Various indicators can be used to determine whether a situation amounts to forced labour. This includes threats and violence, but also more subtle means such as manipulated debt, retention of identity papers, restrictions of freedom of movement, or threats of denunciation to immigration authorities. Forced labour can be imposed by governments, private companies or individuals. 

How many Migrant Domestic Workers in Lebanon?
There are no reliable statistics on the total number of Migrant
Domestic Workers currently present in Lebanon. Various
estimates have been quoted on the number of MDWs, whether
250,000 or less since the country’s economic crisis. Kenyans form like one-third of this group. 

Problems:

1. PRIVATE RECRUITMENT AGENCIES AND FALSE PROMISES

2. DECEPTIVE CONTRACTS AND WORKING CONDITIONS

3. EXCESSIVE HOURS OF WORK WITH NO REST

4. UNDERPAID AND UNPAID WAGES

5. SEXUAL VIOLENCE

6. FOOD DEPRIVATION

7. FORCED LABOUR

8. THE KENYAN CONSULATE’S FAILURE TO PROTECT VICTIMS

I am one of the leading investigative journalists in Kenya. Through my work, I have interviewed many returnees from Lebanon or the gulf stories. They have told me their lived experiences. They have never told some of these stories to their friends or relatives because of shame. They trust journalists because they know that when they tell their stories to journalists, they will be helped.

Below are some of the quotes they shared during interviews:

“She told me she bought me and can do everything with me. No sitting down in the house, even eating, I had to be standing up.” 

“I was stressed. The Madame was shouting all the time, she will kill me. Even whenever I wanted to sit down in a plastic chair, I was not allowed to eat inside. I had to wait for them to finish eating so I could eat the leftovers. You know I bought you, you are my property. I almost became crazy.”

“He slapped me three times. This is when I knew I was dead. I started
shaking and told him to forgive me. He told me to give him back
his 3,000 USD or he would kill me. ‘Even if I kill you no one will do
or say anything’. He continued to beat me and I don’t remember
what happened.”

“I arrived in Lebanon in March 2012. Once I got to the house of my
employer the Madame told me to remove [clip] my nails and change
all my clothes. She asked me to not touch her kids with my bare
hands and to always wear gloves. She also gave me Dettol and told
me to go shower. I was shocked and angry.” She added: “She told
me she bought me and can do everything with me. No sitting down
in the house, even eating, I had to be standing up.

“I was picked up by the driver, and he took me straight to the house. I
was shown my room and explained my role in the house. I was told
that my work would be cleaning, having oral sex with the man of the
house who was sick, and working in the daughter and son’s home.

 “The employer started to make sexual advances towards me. He raped
me and said that sleeping with him was one of the descriptions of
my employment terms. He raped me continuously and I became 

pregnant. The then said I was not a good worker and
told his wife he wanted to get rid of me immediately. He would also
beat me up and lock me up. After I fell pregnant, he paid for my air
ticket, and I came back to Kenya. In the end I was never paid for all
those months I worked (9 months). I came back to Kenya and did
not have any money and I was pregnant.”

“The man would come whenever I was taking a shower, I was naked and he would rape me. It was very painful.”

The findings of this report are available, done in collaboration with Migrant Workers Action (MWA) are available and just need to be implemented in Kenya to address this problem.

See part of the results or findings that need urgent redress:

“I had big dreams and I had heard
that Lebanon was a good country. I
knew I would be able to take care of
my children”.
The poverty, the scarcity of decent employment and opportunities at
home were the main drivers that pushed the interviewed women to
leave Kenya and go to Lebanon. Out of 52 women interviewed, 50
were mothers, and 48 were single mothers, looking for opportunities
to provide for their children. Prior to Lebanon, some had already
been to Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates. The absence of
social protections are also factors in driving Kenyan women to leave
their country in search of better opportunities.
Their choice to migrate to work was dictated by the fact that they
were the primary breadwinners of their household. Generally,
their decisions to leave was also heavily influenced by the lack of
opportunities and pressure from family members.
For example, Jane, a mother of five children, told MWA about
her situation after her husband left her when she was 8 months
pregnant and she had her other children to take care of. She
described how she came to the decision to leave: “It’s hard. You
struggle to feed your family. You see girls going abroad and coming
back with a lot of money, so I thought it’s better to go abroad.” Many
interviewees told MWA that they were hoping to make enough
money to start a business or build a house, and pay for their
children’s education. In some cases, they had left to be able to pay
for the care of sick family members.
Priscilla, a single mother of two, told MWA: “I was desperate in
2014 when I decided to go work abroad. I had small children and
“... I had heard that Lebanon was a good country.”

I wanted to raise them well. So, when a friend of my aunt told me
about the idea of becoming a migrant worker, I was excited and
jumped at the idea.”
The migration journey leads to some successful outcomes but is
also fraught with risks. Our findings have shown that the journey
from recruitment to arrival is full of misinformation and deception.
MWA’s interviews with MDWs have shown that the Kenyan
private recruitment agencies and brokers operated in a way that
misinformed and deceived women through promises of decent
working conditions, promises of different roles, and through contract
substitutions.
PRIVATE RECRUITMENT AGENCIES
AND FALSE PROMISES
Private recruitment agencies in Kenya play a crucial role in linking
employees with their employers in their destination country. They
assist with contract drafting, issuing relevant documentation and
other pre-departure tasks. The demand for labour coupled with the
increasing demand for migration, has led to a surge in the number
of recruitment agencies.37 Kenyan recruitment agencies generate
income from the fee charges to clients in destination countries
– which are often the employers or local recruitment agencies.
Interviewees indicated that agents or brokers were getting paid
between 1,000-2,000 USD per person. Recruitment agencies in
Kenya very seldom charge prospective MDWs recruitment fees.
However, MDWs were not aware that very often the first 3 months
of their salaries were going to be deducted by their agents in
Lebanon to pay for the fees incurred.
A few of the women interviewed used recruitment agencies with
known names and offices, however the majority reported using
brokers as middlemen who are difficult to trace and are poorly
regulated. These were individuals that they would meet through
friends or relatives, or who were themselves family members.
Unlike licensed recruitment agencies, these brokers lack the proper
37 ENACTAfrica.org. “The New Slavery: Kenyan Workers in the Middle East.” ENACT Africa, June 30, 2020.
https://enactafrica.org/research/policy-briefs/the-new-slavery-kenyan-workers-in-the-middle-east.
licensing to help the workers effectively or legally in their transition
and end up exploiting the women. The brokers would promise
decent working conditions and, in some cases, promised a different
role and salary.
Once the decision to leave is made, the broker or agent carries out
all the necessary procedures including issuing a passport and all
the necessary medical checks. The majority of MDWs reported that
once they agreed with an agent or broker, the process to issue the
right documentation happened very quickly. They were often given
their visa and flight tickets only a day or two before flying out to
Lebanon leaving them little time to prepare or find out more about
the role they were getting.
DECEPTIVE CONTRACTS
AND WORKING CONDITIONS
The majority of respondents were given their contract at the airport
or a day or two before leaving. Those who signed a contract in
Kenya, reported being given a different contract in Lebanon, which
stipulated different terms, including a different salary, working
hours, and sometimes role. Some received it in Arabic, whilst others
received it in English. In a lot of these cases the contract received
and signed was in Arabic and they were not given a copy making it
difficult to establish whether the terms were different than the one
signed in Kenya.
The practice in Kenya and in Lebanon indicates that it goes
against the principles outlined by the ILO. The ILO Guidance 7.1
recommends ensuring that workers receive employment contracts
in their own language and in good time.38 In addition, Principle
8, calls on states to implement “measures to prevent contract
substitution”.39 As our interviews have indicated the opposite has
happened a number of times to women who signed one contract in
Kenya but were made to sign other contracts in Lebanon stipulating
different conditions and salaries.
38 ILO, General Principles and operational guidelines for fair recruitment fees and Definition of recruitment fees and
related costs, Available at: https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/gro...
39 Ibid
One woman shared her experience “I was given a contract in
English in Kenya. But in Lebanon it was in Arabic. My contract in
Kenya said I would have one day off and get paid 200 USD every
month.”
Despite efforts by the Kenyan government to require the certification
of all contracts by the Ministry of Labour, the majority of workers
had not heard nor been told about this requirement.
Many MDWs interviewed told us about the misinformation related
to their travels and destination country. One woman told MWA “I
signed a contract for Qatar to be a domestic worker. Before signing,
I saw Lebanon in the document. The agent then changed it to
Qatar. But I ended up in Qatar for two days. I was picked up at the
airport, and then taken to an office where a lady told me to wait for
my sponsor and that I will be travelling to Lebanon with her. That
was not my plan at all.”
Similarly, Maureen, a 33-year-old single mother of four, thought
she was going to Qatar. However, the agent informed her at the
last minute that she would be going to Lebanon. “I was told on
Friday that my visa was ready, and that I was travelling on Monday.
I came to pick up my visa on Friday, and when I read it I saw my
destination. I asked [about it], and she [the agent] told me I had no
option. I didn’t know anything about Lebanon. That evening I went
on Google and looked up Lebanon. Deep inside I was afraid. But I
have a twin sister who is sick and needs money and I have four kids
to support, so I had no option. The agent told me I would be paid
35,000 KES (350 USD). But when I arrived in Lebanon, I signed a
contract in Arabic with a 250 USD pay.”
MDWs told MWA that agents and brokers deceived prospective
migrant workers about the nature and the condition of their work.
Many were made promises of great working conditions and higher
salaries. Some MDWs told MWA that the agent or broker told them
they would work eight-hour days and be paid overtime as well as
have their weekends off. Others were promised that they would
have their yearly ticket paid to go visit their family. During a focus
group discussion, the migrant women reported being promised
good working conditions and salaries but once in Lebanon found
the situation to be drastically different to their expectations. For
example, one woman said: “My contract promised to have every
Sunday off and to receive payments at the end of the month. I am
supposed to work only for 8 hours.”
Similarly, some women were misinformed about the nature or extent
of their responsibilities. For example, one woman told MWA that the
broker had told her she would be looking after one child. However,
when she arrived in Lebanon, she found out it would be three
children, one of which had special needs. In addition, she signed
a contract stating that her salary would be 300 USD but was paid
250 USD instead. Another woman shared: “I was deceived by the
agent and signed a contract for 300 USD. I was told I was going
to be a domestic worker. I spoke to my sponsor from here and she
lied to me about the number of children, house chores. She had
more children and wanted me to do so much more house chores
including watering all her garden, feeding goats. I was paid 250
USD.”
In more extreme cases, they were told that they would be doing
completely different work.
For example, Sara describes:
I was told I was going to get paid 250 USD and that I was
going to be a cleaner in a hotel, and in a school. I was going
to work for a cleaning company. […] but instead, I was taken
to a house. We went there and I met two women there. I was
shocked. I asked the agent at the gate. Why are you bringing
me to a compound of somebody and not to a company? He
said it’s better for you to work while you’re waiting for the boss
to come from the USA. I cooled myself down. I went to the
house. The old woman counted a lot of dollars and gave it to
the agent. I followed her, she told me this is your clothes, your
winter clothes, your room etc. First week I was patient. But I
was not happy I was not meant to be a housemaid.
In another similar case, Alice was connected to a broker in June
2021. After finalising her paperwork, she was informed that she
would be working for a company in Lebanon as a cleaner in hotels,
and schools and get paid 250 USD. She describes her surprise as
she was taken to a private household after her arrival in Lebanon:
He took me to a house. He told me to be kind, ‘don’t steal
anything, and be a good lady’. I asked him – ‘What is
happening? The Lebanese agent told me I would be working
for this family.’ In the coming weeks, instead of working in the
company I worked as a housemaid in the Madame’s house,
her sister’s, and her aunt’s. I was sleeping at midnight and
waking up at 5am. I was only given expired food. And I was
not paid.
Another similar situation happened to Remmy, 34. She tells me:
I was given my passport at the (Kenyan) airport together with
the contract. I did not read the contract because I do not know
how to read. I was told I would be paid 200 000 KHS (200
USD) for a cleaning job at a hotel. At the airport in Lebanon,
I was picked up by a lady who took me to her house. Once
there, I was told I would be working as a house manager.
I continued to ask about the job I was promised, and I was
told that there would be no other job. I decided to just work to
avoid any trouble.
Remmy stayed in that house for two months and ended up leaving
after the employer began making sexual advances and eventually
raped her.
In a FDG with 9 women, I documented 6 women who were
deceived in the process of recruitment. They were promised roles
as receptionists in offices, supermarkets, cleaners in offices, or work
in hotels. One woman who wanted to work in the hospitality industry
as she had carried out her studies in this field was promised a job
in a hotel with a 450 USD salary per month. She told me “At
the airport, they took my phone and my passport, and I ended up
working in a private household where I was paid 250 USD for the
first 6 months but didn’t receive any wages for the last 6 months
after which I escaped”. Another woman signed a contract as a driver
with a 350 USD salary and headed to Lebanon in 2019. However,
she reported being really shocked when being told she would be a
domestic worker and get paid less. She reported that her phone and
passport were taken away and she suffered physical abuse which
resulted in her losing her hearing in her left ear.
These deceptive measures carried out by recruitment agents and
brokers both in Kenya and Lebanon amplify the risk of exploitation.
Domestic workers are left isolated with no knowledge of their rights,
and with little to no negotiating powers.
MWA believes that some of these cases of deception during the
recruitment process may amount to human trafficking into situations
of forced labour. As a reminder, the UN Protocol to Prevent,
Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and
Children defines trafficking as:
“‘Trafficking in persons” shall mean the recruitment,
transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons,
by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of
coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse
of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or
receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a
person having control over another person, for the purpose
of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum,
the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms
of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery
or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of
organs.
In addition, the Committee of Experts on the Application of
Conventions and Recommendations of the ILO (CEACR)11 noted
that:
Another important element of the definition of trafficking in
persons in the Palermo Protocol, from the point of view of the
application of Convention No. 29, is the means of coercion
used against an individual, which include the threat or use of
force, abduction, fraud, deception, the abuse of power or a
position of vulnerability, etc., which exclude voluntary offer or
consent of the victim. With regard to the latter, the Palermo
Protocol contains a qualifying provision that the consent of a
victim of trafficking to the intended exploitation shall be
irrelevant where any of the above mentioned means have
been used.40
MWA believes that in some of these cases the level of deceit and
exploitation faced by the women amounts to human trafficking.

ONCE IN LEBANON: CONDITIONS WHICH AMOUNT TO
FORCED LABOUR
“In Lebanon, even sitting down is haram”

Once in Lebanon, Kenyan domestic workers faced a range of
abuses and forms of exploitation. The accounts gathered by myself
revealed a wide range of labour and human rights abuses suffered
by all interviewed MDWs. These include passport confiscation,
excessive working hours, restrictions on freedom of movement,
food deprivation, lack of rest days, underpaid or unpaid wages,
substandard living conditions, and verbal abuse. In some cases,
MDWs also reported facing physical and sexual abuse. The
majority of interviewees reported feeling both physical and mental
exhaustion. Many of the women were left with no choice but to
escape the houses of their employers after living in situations that
amounted to forced labour.
MWA believes that the patterns of abuse highlighted in most
interviews reveal that these circumstances amount to forced labour.
It should be highlighted that a couple of the women interviewed had
positive experiences in Lebanon. They shared accounts of being
fully paid, having a good relationship with their employers, and one
of them was able to take yearly holidays to see her family. However,
in the sample of this report, or in the broader population, this
remains a rare instance.
41 Meaning forbidden in this context.
“I was desperate in 2014 when I decided to go work abroad.”
“... I was excited and jumped at the idea.”

EXCESSIVE HOURS OF WORK WITH NO REST
All the MDWs interviewed for this research reported having to work
for excessively long periods ranging from 14 to 21 hours per day.
About 80% reported being denied a rest day. For those who were
allowed a rest day, it was because their employer was leaving the
house.
A typical day for a domestic worker in Lebanon often was
representative of this one testimony:
I would wake up at 5am in the morning. Clean the dishes, the
tables, chairs, dust everything including all their decorations
and sculptures, clean the floor, clean the doors and windows.
I had to move the table, which was very heavy, fold the
carpets, start hoovering under the carpet and furniture, and
clean the rooms. Then everyday their sons would come with
their wives, I would have to clean the dishes, prepare the
Shisha, everything would finish at 10:30pm. I was only given
breakfast at 11 or 12 am, and that was just some Khebbez
(Arabic flatbread) and tea without anything.
Damaris ended up fainting from being overworked after one month
of working there.
Similarly, Rose told MWA: “My employers lived in a village.
Husband, wife and three kids. The salary was 200 USD and they
expected me to serve them all. I was sleeping at 2 am and had to
be up at 6 am because of the small children.”
Rest is a fundamental human right under the International Covenant
for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), yet Lebanese
employers treat it as a privilege. This is also in contravention of the
Lebanese Standard Unified Contract, which provides for a day off
and restricts the maximum number of working hours to 10h per day.
Many workers described excessive work demands. MWA
documented cases in which MDWs were forced to work in multiple
houses as well as on farms. Some reported being taken out of the
city to work on their employers’ farms or fields to pick fruit and dig
the earth. In one FDG, 8 out of 13 women reported having to work
in households other than their main employers and in farms picking
fruit and vegetables. One MDW during her job in a second home,
explained how her employer took her to her friend’s house as well
as her mother’s house. This was additional labour that was not paid.
Mental harm and suffering as well as high levels of stress were
reported by all the interviewed MDWs. The excessive working hours
led many to develop acute or chronic health concerns.
Jane told MWA: “The house was too big, the work was too much.
After four months, I was very sick. It was just me doing all this work.
I only slept for two hours. I worked 22 hours. My legs were swollen.
I couldn’t bend down; I couldn’t do anything.”
UNDERPAID AND UNPAID WAGES
Wage abuse was the number one reported concern by respondents.
The majority did not receive their full wages for the duration of their
employment. In most instances, MDWs received their salaries for
a small proportion of the time they worked. This trend became
more prominent in the years following the financial crisis that hit
the country when many employers stopped paying their MDWs.
In one focus group, only one out of the 13 respondents was
paid in full. Out of all the women interviewed 40 were underpaid
or had entire months of unpaid salaries. This also extended to
MDWs who escaped their abusive employers and resorted to
freelance work (which often included working for businesses).
Many freelancers reported working and not being paid at the end.
Employers and business owners would threaten to report them to
the police whenever they requested to get paid as freelancers were
considered “irregular” migrants due to their residency status being
tied to their sponsor and they risked being detained and deported.
The average salary of a migrant domestic worker is 250 USD
per month whilst the minimum wage in Lebanon (pre-economic
crisis) was 450 USD. However, many were paid 200 or 150 USD
per month if at all. As previously mentioned, several women were
promised higher salaries ranging from 300 to 450 USD. The
underpayment and unpaid wages was the number one reason
leading MDWs to attempt or escape the house of their employer.
However, fleeing these abusive conditions meant that they would
forfeit their withheld wages. This issue was highlighted following
the Covid19 pandemic and the Beirut Port explosion when many
employers abandoned the MDWs who were left with no choice but
to attempt to return home without their rightfully earned wages.
This is not a new phenomenon; wage abuse is common under the
Kafala system and has been documented by many organisations
over the years despite provisions in the Standard Unified Contract
outlining the employer’s obligation to pay the worker’s salary in full
and keep a receipt of payment signed by both parties. However,
since the economic crisis in the country, cases of wage theft have
significantly increased.
ILO Convention No.95 on the Protection of Wages, which is ratified
by Lebanon, specifies that wages should be paid directly and
regularly to workers. However, many MDWs reported that their
employers withheld their salaries to ensure that they didn’t leave
or under the guise of “keeping it safe for them”. For example, Anne
told MWA:
My sponsor told me she will send the money directly to my
family. But they never received anything. I was only given 100
USD for three months, and my salary was 250 USD.”
In a similar case, Alice was not paid for 6 months. After the
6th month, her employer threw her out on the streets, she
recounts: “She told me don’t ask me about money [...] every
time, every time… you are eating… I never asked you to
buy anything in this house. Go there and f*ck yourself. She
threw me outside of the house. She took all [...] clothes. She
gave me 200 USD – out of 6 months. One of the 100 USD
was original and another fake [I took a picture]. She left me
outside and left with her car. It was wintertime and it was cold
and raining. I stayed there until I found a taxi, who took the 50
USD.
See for example: Amnesty International, “Their House is my Prison: Exploitation of Migrant Domestic Workers in Lebanon” , 2019, p 17-18, available at: https://www.amnesty.org/en/doc... ; The New Humanitarian, “Few Rights, low pay for 200,000 migrant domestic workers, 22 June 2008, available at: https://www.thenewhumanitaria...
When the Covid19 pandemic hit at the same time as the economic
crisis, many Lebanese employers were unable to continue paying
the MDWs but expected them to continue working. Miriam, who
had a good relationship with her employers shared with MWA “My
employer was very good. I was paid on time, but Covid brought a lot
of strains, and they owed up. They owed me 550 USD which they
have not paid me to date.”
Mary, a divorced mother of two, went to Lebanon after being
encouraged by her aunt who was a broker. She was only 19 at the
time and left her very young child with her family. She was told by
her aunt that she would be earning 250 USD. However, she was
paid 200 USD at first and it was further decreased to 180 USD.
Mary’s employers only paid her monthly for the first three months of
her employment. They later withheld her wages for three months –
telling her that they would give it to her at the end of her contract.
Another pattern noted by MWA is the role recruitment agents play
in Lebanon in withholding salaries. In some cases, MDWs asked
to return to the agents’ office when the conditions of work were not
suitable or when the employers did not like them. Once they were
in the office and asked to be paid for the time worked (often 1 to
3 months) the agents would refuse to do so. Elizabeth told MWA
“I went to my sponsors and stayed for a month. The lady at the
house was very harsh. I told her I wanted to go and see my agent.
She took me after a while. She paid my salary to the agent. The
agent refused to pay it to me and said that it was for the expenses
incurred”. Another MDW said she was not paid for 9 months: “The
employer told me she would not pay me for two months as she had
already paid for me to be here. She said she would start sending
money home after three months and she would pay 200 USD. She
eventually chased me away from the house with my clothes after I
told her to pay me my money. She locked her house and left”.
SEXUAL VIOLENCE
Of the 52 women interviewed, 8 reported being raped by their
employer or their agent and a few others reported being sexually
harassed. Harassment included unwanted sexual advances,
unwanted fondling, and offers to pay money in exchange for
sex. Others may have been subjected to sexual abuse but were
unwilling to speak about it. It is likely that the number is higher due
to the stigma around speaking of sexual abuse.
Modern slavery and trafficking increase the risk of sexual violence
faced by women.
The majority of the women interviewed reported being subjected
to various dehumanising abuses such as sexual violence, physical
abuse, and verbal abuse with racial undertones. In addition,
stereotypes and fetishization put women at further risk of ill-treatment and sexual violence. The isolation of live-in MDWs and
the lack of protection they have under Lebanese law puts them at
higher risk of both physical and sexual violence. A study conducted
by migrant-led group Egna Legna Besidet and the Institute for
Migration Studies at the Lebanese American University, found that
over two thirds of female migrant workers in Lebanon are survivors
of sexual harassment with the majority of perpetrators being male
employers in private households.43 More importantly, the study
presented findings on the intersection across race and violence with
“ill-treatment, fetishization, and violence” faced by different groups.
This finding was echoed in MWA’s research. Many of the women
interviewed expressed a link between their race and the abuses
they faced, particularly sexual violence.
In some cases, employers made it seem that sexual acts were part
of the job requirements. For example, Hannah, describes to MWA “I
was picked up by the driver, and he took me straight to the house. I
was shown my room and explained my role in the house. I was told
that my work would be cleaning, having oral sex with the man of the
house who was sick, and working in the daughter and son’s home.”
Similarly, Roxanne, a mother of four from Mombasa told MWA: “The
employer started to make sexual advances towards me. He raped
me and said that sleeping with him was one of the descriptions of
my employment terms. He raped me continuously and I became
https://respect.international/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Acknowledged-but-Forgotten-The-Gender-Dimensions-of-Sexual-Violence-Against-Migrant-Domestic-Workers-in-Post-Crisis-Lebanon.pdf, https://www.middleeasteye.
net/news/lebanon-two-thirds-migrant-worker-women-survivors-sexual-harassment
pregnant. The mister then said that I was not a good worker and
told his wife he wanted to get rid of me immediately. He would also
beat me up and lock me up. After I fell pregnant, he paid for my air
ticket, and I came back to Kenya. In the end I was never paid for all
those months I worked (9 months). I came back to Kenya and did
not have any money and I was pregnant.”
In 2023, MWA documented the case of a Kenyan migrant worker
who was raped by her employer. Z.M. told MWA that her employer
at the time came to her room several times. She responded by
shouting and pushing him away. She adds “When it is only Louis
and me at home, he takes off his clothes and walks around naked.
Then around 11 pm he comes to my room asking for sex.” Z.M.
disclosed that the employers forced her to work in multiple homes,
physically abused her on multiple occasions and that she was
subject to sexual abuse and harassment, which led her to flee for
her own safety. She described how her employers confiscated her
phone and limited and monitored her calls with her family.
One mother of 4 reported being raped by the janitor in her
employer’s home. “The man who opened the gate would come to
operate the laundry machine. [Her room was in the laundry room,
where she would sleep on a mattress]. Whenever he would come,
he would try to assault me. He tried a lot for 5 months. The Madame
thought I was seducing him and was getting mad at me. He would
come whenever I was taking a shower, I was naked and he would
rape me. It was very painful.” She ended up being returned to her
agent’s office after refusing to work. She eventually escaped and
had to resort to commercial sex work where she also got raped by a
group of men. She adds “I got pregnant from it. My 5th baby, I don’t
know his dad.”
Some MDWs also reported being sexually abused by the Lebanese
recruitment agents.
M. disclosed that as soon as she got to Lebanon she was taken
to her agent’s office “I went from the firepan to the fire. We were
not given food or water – just Arabic bread and salty water. If we
wanted fresh water, we would have to perform oral sex on the
agent. He took me to the office. I stayed there for a while. We
were not getting food, only salt water and bread. I had to accept
everything he would do to me.” After being sexually abused by her
agent, she was placed with a well-known Lebanese family. She
disclosed that she was raped and forced to carry out sexual acts
against her will and at gunpoint.
D., a 27-year-old Kenyan, told me how she was returned to the
agent’s office when her health deteriorated due to overwork. She
described her experience with the agent after she told him she
wanted to go back home or for him to find her good employers “He
slapped me three times. This is when I knew I was dead. I started
shaking and told him to forgive me. He told me to give him back
his 3,000 USD or he would kill me. ‘Even if I kill you no one will do
or say anything’. He continued to beat me and I don’t remember
what happened.” He informed me that other women in his office
told her to not provoke him and that they did as he asked including
massages and “sexual things”.  She continued to suffer various
abuses including lack of food and water and being forcibly confined.

PHYSICAL AND VERBAL ABUSE INTERSECTING WITH RACE
Many domestic workers reported experiencing verbal and physical
abuse. MDWs reported being physically abused by their employers
whenever they were not pleased with their housework but more
specifically when the women demanded for their salaries or better
work conditions. Reports of physical abuse included beating them,
punching, pulling their hair, slapping, and kicking them.
Similarly, verbal abuse was commonly reported including insults,
threats, and humiliation.
Alice described to MWA: “I was stressed. The Madame was
shouting all the time, she will kill me. Even whenever I wanted to sit
down in a plastic chair, I was not allowed to eat inside. I had to wait
for them to finish eating so I could eat the leftovers.”
Another woman similarly told MWA: “If her baby cried, she would
yell at me and ask me what did I do to the baby. She would tell
me ‘You know I bought you, you are my property’. I tried to talk to
Madame but then I ran away because she was shouting too much. I
almost became crazy.”
Out of 52 women, 48 reported being verbally abused, including with
racial slurs.
MWA believes that the range of abuses faced by the Kenyan MDWs
cannot be disconnected from the racial discrimination they faced.
Indeed, migrant women experience multiple and intersecting forms
of discrimination which are rooted in various structural inequalities.
The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination raised
its concerns about the lack of criminalisation of discrimination in
Lebanon, and “the lack of clarity in the legislation prohibiting racist
speech, stereotyping, and stigmatisation.”44
The Kafala system perpetuates a setting where gender-based
violence rooted in misogyny and discriminatory gender practices
are used by employers to control MDWs. As noted by the
UN, stigmatisation and isolation can increase the likelihood of
marginalised migrant workers to experience various abuses
including gender-based violence.
One woman shared her experience with me: “I arrived to the
employer’s house and the mistreatment started from the word go.
She told me she bought me for 4000 USD. I would have to wear
gloves when touching her children. She threatened me all the time.
I was punished for any mistake. There were other workers in the
house, but we couldn’t speak to each other. I was working very long
hours and didnt have a day off and in the end I was only paid 100
USD for three months.”
Another woman also shared a similar experience with her employer:
“I arrived in Lebanon in March 2012. Once I got to the house of my
employer the Madame told me to remove [clip] my nails and change
all my clothes. She asked me to not touch her kids with my bare
hands and to always wear gloves. She also gave me Dettol and told
me to go shower. I was shocked and angry.” She added: “She told
44 See: https://www.ohchr.org/en/press...
45 https://www.unwomen.org/sites/...
me she bought me and can do everything with me. No sitting down
in the house, even eating, I had to be standing up.”
During the focus group discussions, the women reported feelings
of frustration and shame due to the racist comments and insults
they faced on a daily basis. Many reported that African women
were perceived as “strong” and therefore able to work for long
hours and without much food. Grace described being told “Africans
have energy so you can work a lot. They would tell me to go carry
buckets on my head. They didn’t want me to use the lift, when they
made me clean the whole parking lot for the building so I had to go
down and up the stairs.”
The majority of respondents reported being verbally abused. They
reported being told that “You Africans are monkeys. You are poor”.
The use of Arabic words such as “Hmara” (donkey), “Abed” (slave),
“sharmouta” (whore), “kalba” (dog) and other Arabic insults were
commonly reported. One woman shared: “I used to think ‘What is
wrong with my skin?’”
FOOD DEPRIVATION
The issue of inadequate nutritious food was raised by most
interviewees. All indicated that they were not given enough food
throughout their stay in Lebanon. The majority noted being given
tea and Arabic bread (“Khebbez”) only twice per day, sometimes
even less. In some cases, they were given spoilt food or inedible
leftovers. Several MDWs reported that their employers locked
the refrigerators. Many women resorted to sifting through the bin
or hiding food in the bathroom and eating it there. Some women
mentioned asking their employers for more food and suffering
physical and verbal abuse as a result.
In one instance, Gladys, a mother of three, described her
employer’s treatment upon seeing her at the airport: “The Madame
was shocked to see me. She said to me ‘Why are you so big?’
when she saw me. As a result, I was not allowed to open the fridge
and was told to lose weight. I was barely given any food.” After two
months, Gladys developed stomach complications due to being
underfed. Another interviewee told MWA: “They give you leftovers.
In Kenya you give leftovers to dogs. But I was so hungry, they
would throw food in the bin, and I would take it from the garbage
and hide it under my mattress.” Another woman said “My employer
would keep the food until it had mould and then would give it to me.”
The long excessive working hours coupled with the lack of
adequate nutrition made many MDWs interviewed for this research
request to be returned to the agencies or to return home or even
escaped. One MDW said: “In Lebanon, food is like God. They made
us cook and clean for massive invitations with 40 guests or more.
But never thought of giving us anything.”
FORCED LABOUR
The ILO Convention on Forced Labour, No. 29 which Lebanon
has ratified, defined forced labour as “all work or service which is
exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for
which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily.”46 The ILO
has reported that around 25 million men women and children are
in forced labour today, with more than half being women and girls.
Generally, victims are often hidden from the public view and as such
are difficult to identify. Walk Free estimates that 50 million people
live in modern slavery today, and 54% of them are women. Out of
these, 27.6 million are in forced labour.47 Various indicators can be
used to determine whether a situation amounts to forced labour.
This includes threats and violence, but also more subtle means
such as manipulated debt, retention of identity papers, restrictions
of freedom of movement, or threats of denunciation to immigration
authorities. Forced labour can be imposed by governments, private
companies or individuals.
MWA’s research indicates that some key elements of forced labour
are present in many of the cases. Many of the MDWs interviewed
by MWA described abusive situations, which show some or several
of the criteria required by the definition of forced labour. The
majority of the MDWs eventually found themselves in a situation
where they wanted to leave their job but were unable to, due
46 Forced Labour Convention, Art. 2(1)
47 Walk Free’s Global Slavery Index represents the world’s most comprehensive data set in modern slavery. For more
information see: https://www.walkfree.org/
to various threats and restrictions including having to pay back
recruitment fees paid by employers or by Lebanese agents, threats
of employers or agents inflicting violence and abuse, withholding
wages, locking them up or losing their legal residency status. Those
who resorted to working as freelancers and who are considered
to have “absconded” have also been falsely accused of crimes or
threatened to be denounced to Lebanese authorities. Finally, all
those interviewed have had their passport confiscation.
In addition, as previously mentioned, in some cases the women
were deceived by recruitment agents in Kenya about the terms,
conditions of employment and about the type of employment. The
ILO states that “Forced labour is different from sub-standard or
exploitative working conditions. Various indicators can be used
to ascertain when a situation amounts to forced labour, such as
restrictions on workers’ freedom of movement, withholding of wages
or identity documents, physical or sexual violence, threats and
intimidation or fraudulent debt from which workers cannot escape.”48
Lucy told MWA that she was working in a supermarket when she
was approached by someone who told her she would be making
450 USD if working as a receptionist in Lebanon. She adds “I was
trying to save money to go to university. So I accepted. I signed
a contract in Arabic, I wasn’t sure what I was signing as there
was no translation. I arrived in Lebanon in January 2012. I was
very surprised to be in someone’s house and not in an office. My
employer laughed and told me ‘It’s me who bought your ticket, so
you are my property. You must work and repay me my money’.
Once I entered the house I never saw outside. Three years I worked
there and didn’t get one dollar.” After three years of working in a
situation which amounts to forced labour, Lucy ended up escaping
one night when her employers forgot to lock the door.
Aafter being sexually assaulted by her agent, Janet told him that
she had changed her mind and wanted to return to Kenya. The
agent’s response was to slap and beat her.
Grace, a 42-year-old woman, told her employers that she wanted to
return home following her mother’s death. They refused. She then
48 https://www.ilo.org/global/top...
asked her agent who reportedly threatened her with physical abuse
if she did not comply and stay in her role. Grace chose to forgo her
owed wages and ran away.
Maureen described her time in Lebanon and the difficult conditions
she worked under: “All the cleaning was on me, it was a very big
house. I was even washing the Madame’s underwear with period
stains. My Mister was so bad, he would go to the washroom and
ask me to come flush for him. I would eat leftovers only and sleep
on a mattress in their laundry room. I would wake up at 5 am and go
to bed at 2 am. I stayed with them for 5 months, and then I called
my agent to say I need to change houses.” She called her Kenyan
agent who told her that she wanted to work and therefore should
stay and work. Her Lebanese agent refused to help her.
The role of Lebanese recruitment agents within the Kafala system
is an important one. Oftentimes, when MDWs have nowhere to turn
to report their abusive employers, they resort to calling their agent.
MWA has documented cases where the agents have provided
considerable support and safety for some women, but others have
actively participated and committed crimes towards MDWs.
Damaris, for example, arrived in Lebanon in June 2021, and wanted
to change employers due to difficult working conditions including
excessively long working hours, and little food and rest. She was
taken to her agent’s house who she reported threatened to kill her
if she did not return the 3,000 USD he paid to bring her to Lebanon.
She recounts:
“I told him to either send me back to my country or get me a good
house. ‘You promised me the conditions were going to be good.’
He slapped me three times. He said to me ‘Give me my 3,000 USD
back or I will kill you’ . I said ‘Please Sir, I will try to speak to my
family to see if they can raise the amount. I was locked in a room,
where I wasn’t allowed to sleep. He took my phone.”
MWA’s research has indicated that both in Lebanon and in Kenya
there is a critical need to regulate recruitment agencies particularly
in their use of deceptive practices to lure migrant workers and
in their broad powers under the Kafala system which often go
unchecked.
THE KENYAN CONSULATE’S FAILURE TO
PROTECT
“I came here because I saw the flag of
my country: Am I getting help or not?”
As MDWs are excluded from legal protections and face
discriminatory institutional practices,49 the majority who flee
their employer’s abusive household seek assistance from their
consulate. Indeed, the Kenyan consulate should be the first
point of contact for Kenyan citizens in distress abroad. Yet, MWA
interviewed several women who reported speaking with Kenyan
consular officials who provided little to no assistance to them when
they requested support in returning to Kenya or reported cases of
sexual abuse or wage theft. One common response was to be told
to return to their employer’s home. In some cases, the consulate
officials themselves would call the employers to let them know the
whereabouts of the MDWs.
The failure of the Kenyan consulate in Lebanon to provide adequate
assistance to Kenyan MDWs was widely reported following protests
of a group of Kenyan migrant women wanting to return home after
being stranded on the streets of Beirut.50 In 2020, CNN published
an exposé on the abuses carried out by some members of the
Consulate including reports of physical and verbal abuse.51 The
article details scenes of physical abuse as well as encouragement
to turn to commercial sex work to be able to pay for their return
tickets.52 Scores of MDWs accused consular staff of mistreatment,
exploitation, and lack of responsiveness to their calls for help.
49 See for example: ILO & Legal Agenda, The Labyrinth of Justice: Migrant domestic workers before Lebanese courts,
available at: https://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/gro...
50 See for example “How the Kenyan consulate in Lebanon became feared by the women it was meant to help, July 28
2020, available at: https://amp.cnn.com/cnn/2020/0... ; The Middle East Eye, “Lebanon: Kenyan migrant workers camp outside consulate demanding
to return home, 14 January 2022, available at: https://www.middleeasteye.net/...

Corroborating this information, MWA’s interviews with MDWs who
had returned to Kenya noted the lack of support received from their
Consulate in Beirut. Officials from the Honorary Consulate (who are
Lebanese nationals) were reported by the majority of women to be
unhelpful, insulting, and encouraging some of the women to engage
in commercial sex work as a way to make money. In addition, many
reported being grossly overcharged for essential consular services.
Women were made to pay between 500 to 3,000 USD for services
rendered and airfares. The same consulate staff were also reported
by many women during the crisis of the Beirut port explosion as
failing to provide protection. Many reported how the Consulate shut
its doors to stranded workers and refused to assist them with their
paperwork so they could return home.53 Incidents of abuse of power
and corruption were noted by many.
Rose told MWA how, after escaping her employer’s house following
physical and verbal abuse, she arrived at the Consulate and
was met by a then member of staff and the Consul himself, who
reportedly told her to return to the employer’s house. She told MWA
“He told me that I beat up my boss. I told him it was not true and
that I was the one that was beaten. I was crying and he told me I
needed to return and apologise to my employer.” Rose ended up
paying a penalty of 200 USD for overstaying her visa and 1,800
USD to the Consulate for her airfare. She adds: “I returned home
with nothing.”
Another woman who worked with a high-profile Lebanese
broadcaster escaped to the Consulate after being mistreated and
being denied access to her asthma treatment. She reported that
officials in the Consulate refused to help her and told her to return to
the house of her employer.
Eunice ended up in Lebanon after spending some time in Dubai
with her Lebanese employer. Following her arrival in Lebanon
she developed acute health issues and was left in the hospital by
her employers. With no documents and nowhere to go, the found
assistance from Kenyan community groups. Shortly after however,
53 ARM, Urgent Action Needed to Hold the Kenyan Consulate Accountable to Kenyan citizens, 19 January 2022, available at: https://armlebanon.org/urgent-...
she informed MWA that she attempted to return home. She went to
the Consulate and was greeted by the Assistant Consul: “He told
me to go into prostitution to bring dollars for him.”
Similarly, when Gladys decided to return to Kenya after working as
a freelance migrant worker, the Consulate asked for 3,000 USD in
cash. When she mentioned that she did not have that amount they
reportedly told her “‘Why are you not looking for money – there’s so
much money out there, there are so many men out there you can
make money.’ When I asked him why this much money was needed
he told me ‘That’s not my problem’.”
Many more interviewees reported similar interactions with the
Consul and Assistant Consul.
MWA believes that the Kenyan government has a responsibility to
protect its citizens abroad. Despite calls for an investigation into
the allegations raised against the involved individuals, the same
officials continue to operate in the Kenyan Consulate in Lebanon
to this date. Reports indicate that women who required consular
support were instructed to get in touch with the Kenyan Embassy in
Kuwait, which oversees Lebanon. When asked about demands and
recommendations to the Kenyan government, MDWs interviewed
for this report unanimously requested to have Kenyan nationals as
officials representing them as opposed to having Lebanese citizens
as Honorary officials operating in that role. Continuing to have the
same individuals operating without investigating the allegations
against them sends a clear signal to Kenyan migrant workers in
Lebanon that their government is not fulfilling its responsibility to
provide adequate protection and support.
THE RETURN HOME:
KAFALA’S INDELIBLE IMPACT
“I went to Lebanon with a big dream.
I wanted to work hard and make
good money return home and buy a
bread making machine and open a
proper bakery”
“I had a target: I [would] buy a plot,
put a house there, and have some
rentals there. So I can make a life
for my daughter. That has been my
dream and it’s still my dream”
The women interviewed for this report and many other women who
left their homes in search of better economic opportunities have
been trapped in the Kafala system. The exploitation and abuses
they faced have had a significant impact on their physical and
mental health. The dehumanising treatment they were subjected
to, coupled with isolation and disconnect from their families,
the violence, and the racial discrimination, all contributed to the
significant impact on their overall wellbeing. As noted by Human
Rights Watch in its 2008 Study, MDWs in Lebanon were dying at
a high rate of one per week from both suicide and failed escapes.54
This has a significant influence on the survivors’ ability to move
forward in their lives.
Whether they had spent a few months or several years under
exploitative conditions in Lebanon, the women interviewed for this
54 Human Rights Watch, Lebanon: Migrant domestic workers dying every week, 26 August 2008, available at: https://
www.hrw.org/news/2008/08/26/le...
“She told me she bought me
and can do everything with
me. No sitting down in the
house, even eating, I had to
be standing up.”
research expressed the long-lasting impact on their life under the
Kafala system. Some interviewees had to incur loss to pay for
their tickets home. A significant proportion of MDWs interviewed
reported having to pay for their ticket home. For example, Alice who
arrived in Lebanon in June 2021 and left in mid-2022 told MWA
that her parents sold their cows and sent her the money to pay
for her airfare to return home in April 2022: “I came back without a
single cent, only the fake dollars that my employer gave me. The
good thing is that I am alive. I was ashamed, I don’t have anything.
I came just the way I was: With nothing. I am currently jobless - I
wash clothes from time to time to get some cash.” Alice expressed
having suicidal thoughts.
Similarly, Eunice shared to MWA: “My stay in Lebanon has given
me stress and depression. I tried to set up a business selling fish.
But people came and stole the freezer with all the fish. I am now
back to zero.”
The women told me about the hardships they faced upon their
return to Kenya particularly for those who returned with no money.
Their families did not understand the gravity of the challenges and
abuses they had suffered and this led to tensions. Some women
told MWA about the rejection they faced from their children after
a long absence without communication. Those who suffered from
sexual abuse did not share this with their families due to the stigma
around rape and assault. They expressed feelings of isolation and
suicidal ideation.
Janet who had a harrowing experience in Lebanon having been
repeatedly raped by both her agent and her employer, described
her difficult return home: “I told my family what happened to me. It
was tough. My mother expected me to give her money. But I didn’t
even have airtime credit. She told me ‘You are from abroad; you
have not given us any money.’ I was admitted to the hospital for one
month. I developed ulcers. I tried to commit suicide two times. I just
wanted to die.”
All respondents had little recourse when leaving these abusive
working conditions.
The findings from the interviews with returned MDWs and with
organisations that provide reintegration support highlighted the
importance of mental wellbeing and psychosocial assistance
for survivors of abuse. Many reported their struggle upon their
return without access to aftercare support, including the lack of
psychosocial and vocational support. MWA noted a significant
difference in the wellbeing of interviewees who had received
aftercare support including psycho-social support. Those who
received reintegration support from partner organisations, which
provide aftercare, noted a significant improvement in their lives.
For example, Lucy told us “Counselling with CHTEA truly made a
difference. Also, I now sell fish as my business thanks to CHTEA.
You really need counselling. Your family doesn’t want you, you feel
rejected when you come back. I was crying when I came here, I had
a foreign baby with me – wondering what my family will say. But
now I can laugh and have my life back.”

The women who are victims or forced labour and modern slavery face financial, technical, cultural and market barriers and need help. When you work for money you did not sign for, when you are sexually abused, when you are semi-illiterate, all the barriers above will be a problem. You don't have money for litigation, you are ashamed and live alone, you have no house, you have no money to start life afresh. 

Sometimes, these workers send money home and their relatives squander it. When they come back after one or two years (the normal time for most contracts, they have nothing to fall back to.

They need money, shelter, integration into society and medical care to start afresh.

This is a matter that has never been tackled. By being the first person, we plan to trailblaze and create a new beginning for the victims. The government is silent and this is still going on despite the horrific tales. It will stop this modern slavery and forced labour. It can be done in East Africa (Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, DRC, Rwanda, Burundi and South Sudan), countries which provide this form of labour to the Gulf States. In Africa and the world, it can help address the daily migrations by Africans who cross on boards to Europe and die in the waters.

It will force governments to act and address these problems.

Victims will start their lives afresh by living in dignity after they are given money to start their businesses and have roofs over their heads. Prof Ireri is renowned researcher, he will lead efforts in  data collection and reviewing of impacts.

We will use our theory of change to evaluate and monitor progress and report back based on key performance indicators.

We will be able to measure these by the number of people who interact with, how much we give them, how many have been healed from mental problems, how many have shelter and how many have been integrated back into society.

Together with the parameters discussed above, we will also use sms to reach our target audience and tap into African indigenous knowledge systems to create sustainability of the process. This will be applied for farming and tree planting to help with effects of climate change.

Below is a short description of the African indigenous knowledge.

Preparing the Ground for Climate Action
Step One: Sharing Language
While language teaching seems far
away from climate issues, any successful
approach to broad-based, inclusive climate
action depends on shared language. For
this reason, there is no easy way to African
climate cooperation without addressing
the linguistic division and disempowerment
imposed by colonialism. This is particularly
important in addressing knowledge gaps
and capacity-building aimed at the most
vulnerable climate-impacted groups in
African societies: rural populations, women,
youth and the poor.
Awareness of these gaps inform the
teaching of indigenous languages by
the African Academy of Languages
(ACALAN), under African Union. One of
the scholars working with ACALAN, Dr Lang
Fafa Dampha points out that only 40%
of Africans speak English and French. “If
climate change information and any other
development programmes are to reach
most of the people, then the information has
to be disseminated in indigenous African
languages to reach the 60% percent who
speak them,” Dampha says.
ACALAN has established four groups of
African languages that are inter-related
to help in cross border communication to
promote trade and communication.
Aldin Mutembei, a professor of Kiswahili at
Mwalimu Nyerere University in Tanzania, who
is also a member of ACALAN says Chinyanja,
Chichewa and Setswana have been
identified for Southern Africa.
“For West African we are promoting
Mandekan, Hausa, Yoruba, Wolof and
Fulfulde. In East Africa we have Malagasy,
Kiswahili, Somali, Kinyarwanda, Kirundi,
Rufumbira, Giha, Kihangaza, Luganda,
Lugwere and Lusoga.”
Mutembei says the focus is also to use
Kiswahili to teach other local languages on
the continent. “This particular programme
is going on in East, Central and Southern
Africa. We believe this will enrich Kiswahili
and the local African languages,” he says.
Step Two: Sharing Knowledge
Together with the crucial linguistic work
of making knowledge more inclusive, one
also needs to make it more accessible.
Technology offers a crucial way to gather
African indigenous knowledge about
climate and agriculture, and to share it
between communities.
This can help to improve production in
agriculture in the rural areas as well as
making farming more climate-resilient.
Two such initiatives are changing the
landscape. Researchers at Kisii University
in Kenya, and at the Africa Institute of
Indigenous Knowledge Systems at KwaZulu
Natal University in South Africa are digitising
the knowledge of farmers and making it
available for wider use.
“We have collected valuable information
from rural farmers on early weather warning
systems, which crops to plant at what time,
prevalent diseases and their traditional
control methods. We have then put this
information on digital platforms to be
accessed by farmers,” says Ronald Tombe,
a lecturer at Kisii University and the lead
researcher of the project. The project is
based in Kisii County, in the Nyanza region,
Western Kenya

Three full-time employees, three part-time and 10 volunteers

One year

We do our work openly and we don't discriminate against any person. We consider gender, race, age, religion and we work as equals. We have room for each one of us to excel.